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Archive for the ‘Deuteronomy’ Category

January 10th, 2012 by Joel

Deuteronomy always beats Leviticus, always

Last week, I posted something on Brian Thomas who had used additions to justify the historical reliability of Scripture (because Scripture needs us to justify it. bah!). Today, Craig Adams posted something from Daniel Steele:

QUESTION: Explain Deut. 14:21: “Ye shall not eat of anything that dieth of itself: (thou mayest give it unto the sojourner that is within thy gates, that he may eat it; or thou mayest sell it unto a foreigner;) for thou art a holy people unto Jehovah.”

ANSWER: There is here evidently an instance of an uninspired interpolation which I have indicated by the marks of a parenthesis. This law is found in Ex. 22:31 and in Lev. 17:15 without the words in the parentheses which are out of harmony with the character of God, as revealed elsewhere in the Bible. In fact, they contradict the law about the sojourner, found in Lev. 17:15, where he is indirectly forbidden to eat carrion.

It is a glaring contradiction in the text, and if you have made such statements that the Scriptures are somehow inerrant then you may want to reconsider that, even in the original sources, as if there is such a thing as a pure original source for much of Scripture. Anyway…

So Steele points this contradiction out and points to what he considers a parenthetical (it’s not in parenthesis, by the way, in other the original text or in most modern translations) addition by a later scribe. So, for those who feel the need to explain this away… how do you? I guess for me, it is more about the political realities of the time in which Deuteronomy was coming about. Near and post-exile when Israel wasn’t so neatly ‘Jewish’ as it ‘once was.’ Maybe it looks at a type of religious pluralism while allowing for ethnocentrism? I note that Deuteronomy is often a less-supernatural book than the rest of the Torah, with more of a humanistic spin to it. I mean, look at the Sabbath and the reason given for that, as compared to Exodus (something Creationists always fail to mention, by the way).

June 12th, 2011 by RodtRDH

Sorry but Penal Substitution is not in Galatians 3:13

There are already several arguments that scholars have made against Penal Substitutionary Atonement that I will not delve into here. Why? Because they are appeals to emotion, and they are the same points that opponents use to argue against any view of “blood atonement,” that is a theological interpretation of Jesus’ death on the cross of reconciling humanity with God and with others.

Instead, my rejection of PSA is on exegetical grounds.

See: Christus Victor in Galatians 3: The Messiah Conquers the Curse for the Gentiles

May 10th, 2011 by Joel

James is right – Jeremiah was a Deuteronomist

James has a quote and then writes,

Oh, I like that! It sounds like Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Imagine finding it in Deuteronomy!

Idle musings of a bookseller: A new heart in Deuteronomy?.

Agreed. Oh wait, you don’t know what James is really saying?

I’ll help. What he is saying is that:

Jeremiah’s heart and Ezekiel’s heart and the heart in Deuteronomy are all the same. Further, he is alluding to the fact that Jeremiah was the proto-prophet of Deuteronomy 18 and the new covenant of both Jeremiah and Ezekiel is Deuteronomy.

James Spinti, as paraphrased by Joel Watts.

April 26th, 2011 by Joel

Review: Paul and the Early Jewish Encounter with Deuteronomy

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In Lincicum’s revised Oxford dissertation, we have what the author calls a ‘study of the study of Deuteronomy (p12) which is meant to place the Apostle Paul well with in interpretative methods commonly employed by various groups of Second Temple Judaism, and even some afterwards. Lincicum introduces his audience to the fact that many commentators throughout the centuries have sought to contextualize Deuteronomy for their own present need, which testifies to the greatness of the document.

The work is divided into two parts, with nine chapters. The first chapter serves as the introduction which is neatly wrapped up, especially with the discussion of icons which present Paul as the anti-Jew, in the concluding chapter of the book. This first chapter sets out the perimeters of study, which ranges from the third century BCE to the third century CE and is replete with many Jewish documents and sources, such as various scrolls from the Dead Sea, Josephus and even Philo. Here, he is concerned with Deuteronomy’s effective history (p10) which he postulates as when completed, will redress various issues with Paul’s use of Deuteronomy. Part of this effective history are the authors, some of them just noted, which Lincicum notes sees themselves as part of Israel (p11), as even the Apostle Paul does. It might have been more stressed by our author this point, especially in the beginning, although throughout the book, this motif of the interpreter(s) of Deuteronomy receiving the text for themselves is easily made. This introduction ends with Lincicum’s reminder that this work will enable us to ‘see Paul as one member in this chain of tradition’ and ‘thus enables us to view Paul as a Jewish reader of Deuteronomy’ which ‘casts light on the Jewish reception of Deuteronomy. (p16). He suggests (in chapter 2) that Paul, with his background and education’ would have patterned his engagement with the Book of Deuteronomy alongside the Jewish liturgical praxis. (p21). As the work moves alone, it is important to remember the deep connection between Paul and the Jewish communities of his day.

Chapter 2 places the audience in the ancient synagogue as Deuteronomy was developed into a liturgical text. This is important to understand as it was from this daily practice which Lincicum suggests Paul gains his interpretative understanding of the book. The author brings out several important, cross-study, facts, namely that Deuteronomy survives almost unchanged in the Septuagint, and that it was received widely in the liturgical formula from which Paul was able to memorize it (p49). This is noteworthy, and easily supported, as early manuscripts include ‘various markers for sense-division.’ (p27). Why is this important? Just as today, with verses and chapters, interpreters sometimes fall into the trap of interpreting only groups of statements assigned a passage status by another, either in printing or in liturgical drama. Further, as Lincicum points out, Deuteronomy was widely distributed in written forms, in various sects, which highlights the importance of the document in Second Temple Judaism. Lincicum notes that Deuteronomy, as opposed to Exodus (regarding the Decalogue), presents a majority of textual evidence for the use of the book, even at Qumran (p46-46). This evidence shows that Deuteronomy was well studied, memorized, and used as a liturgical text during Paul’s day, something he would have been a party too (p51, cf. p57)

Chapters three through five deal with the reception of Deuteronomy at Qumran, in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, and finally in the words of Philo of Alexandria. This is, with the exclusion of his work on Paul, among the most versatile and interesting. He covers a wide swatch of literary and socio-religious ground with the works he has selected. His strong points here surround his rather weak assessment of Deuteronomy in the Apocrypha. Further, he leaves out the Psalms of Solomon which as a work in close proximity to Paul should have been examined, even above that of Philo.

Lincicum has several positive statements which must be highlighted and remembered, especially as the reader approaches Paul, such as the use of Deuteronomy as a means to or from the Covenant (p68) at Qumran along with the writers of the Temple Scroll which places Deuteronomy into the first person (p70, cf p72-73; on page 74, Lincicum calls this process of the ‘representation of Deuteronomy’ as a ‘presentification of it.’ This allows the interpreter, such as Paul, to actualize the work to the demands of the present day.). As he often does throughout his work, he makes his grounding support well known and shows his familiarity with the source material, often times offering his own interpretations along the way. This portion of the work, sometimes hinted at by Lincicum is of a very real importance, namely that the (then-)current interpreter is allowed to take the Book of Deuteronomy and make the conditions of it present to them, and to respond to their needs, something which many have singled Paul (and other New Testament writers) out for doing, calling it an error; Lincicum shows that Paul was not alone in his interpretative style, and the reverse of the critics’ charges are instead true – that Paul was well within the Jewish tradition when he interpreted Deuteronomy through the lens of Christ. Lincicum points out that for those at Qumran (and Paul), Deuteronomy was able to be contextualized so easily because it was seen functioning as a ‘sort of historiographical eschatology’(p77). Those at Qumran, and Paul, were simply applying Deuteronomy as they saw fit, because that was how it was supposed to be based on the suggestiveness of the text (p83).

As I said earlier, the weakest point of his work is chapter 4, regarding Deuteronomy in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. While there is no doubt an influence of Deuteronomy in some of these works and letters (p86), Lincicum has a rather difficult time pointing them out. Be briefly skims Jubilees, II Maccabees, Pseudo-Philo (who’s inclusion, in my opinion, only serves to show Lincicum’s weakness in assembling texts for this portion of his work), Tobit, Baruch, and the Testament of Moses. Only the last work can the presence of Deuteronomy, unquestionably, be ascertained, but as these works are not truly interpretative, I find it rather difficult to accept some of the statements made in chapter four as pertaining to the whole of the work, especially Paul’s influence. While such works from Paul’s community, such as the Maccabees and the Psalms of Solomon may have yielded further clues and/or evidences to support Lincicum’s thesis, much of these text can simply be left out, of if the author is to inclined, strengthened considerably. I say this based on the fast that those at Qumran, Philo and the author(s) of the Psalms of Solomon were interpreting their present situation through the lens of Deuteronomy or at least offering modern interpretations of Dueteronomy, instead of, as many of these other books, merely offering clue of intertextuality by uninspired authors.

While not as strong as chapter three, chapter five offers a contemporary view (contemporary of Paul) of the way Deuteronomy was interpreted. He begins the chapter by restoring Philo into Israel’s interpretative history and showing that the ancient philosopher cannot so easily be termed ‘disinterested’ (p100). He easily explores Philo’s use of Deuteronomy, but more than that, how he perhaps saw Deuteronomy (p103). This is extremely important as the examination of Paul as a Jewish exegete nears. Lincicum notes that Deuteronomy was sometimes read in a literal sense (uncharacteristic of the philosopher) and was something that Philo admired (p109). In closing this chapter, Lincicum notes that ‘Philo has an overwhelming conviction that the biblical text speaks to his present concerns, and so he performs sometimes elaborate acts of correlation in order to bring that relevance to bear in specific situations’ (p116).

Chapter 6 is the core unit of Lincicum’s work, the one which deals exclusively with Paul’s reception of Deuteronomy. It revolves around three issues with Deuteronomy – Deuteronomy as Ethical Authority (6.3); Deuteronomy as Theological Authority (6.4); and Deuteronomy as the Lens of Israel’s History (6.5). Lincicum writes, “After long years of reciting, praying, memorizing, debating, teaching, and ordering his life in conformity with its precepts, Paul the Pharisee had an unexpected hermeneutical irruption in his understanding of Deuteronomy” (p117). Through these three sections, Lincicum is able to, what we hope, is once and for all secure Paul’s place well within traditional Jewish interpretation. The causes of Paul’s ‘hermeneutical irruption’ is not of scholarly concern at the moment, as Paul’s change in course is beyond the realms of the scientific method; however, Lincicum notes that Paul’s change of course is due to a visionary encounter with the resurrected Jesus, ‘whom he then recognized as Lord and Christ.’ At this moment, Paul’s Judiasm didn’t cease nor his use of all of his litgurical learning, meditations and daily study of the Holy Writings. Paul, instead, was a Jew who read the Book of Deuteronomy like others Jews and became a Jew who, like other Jews, read the Book of Deuteronomy but after this moment would read it through the prism of Christ. This ‘emphatically public book’ (p56) was about to be used to secure a new community which served one master (p117).

Lincicum states that Paul saw Deuteronomy as a ‘written authority with a voice whose relevance to the present situation is granted’ (p118). Very true. Paul was not one to cast Scripture as something long forgotten but used Scripture to show that what was currently happening (albeit usually in Christ) was exactly what Scripture was talking about it. (We note, of course, Matthew’s use of Scripture as well as 1st Peter 1, where both authors noted that while the ancient writers wrote, they wrote, in reality, for the here and now.) In this, as Lincicum notes, Richard Hayes has played a large role in helping to bring to light Paul’s masterful use of Scripture (echo, allusion and quote, of course). It wasn’t just a use of Scripture for Paul, but equally a respect of it. It was this use and respect of Scripture which Paul was able to carry over to his use of Deuteronomy. Throughout this chapter, as one should hope with a (revised) doctoral thesis the preceding explorations of literature are used to show that Paul was not doing anything new with Deuteronomy but was following along with his contemporaries in contextualing the book for the present demands of Paul’s Israel.

In sometimes startling language Lincicum is able to show the proper place of Deuteronomy in Paul’s interpretative life, such as a biblical corrector to Leviticus, “…the fact that Paul twice appears to use Deuteronomy to correct Leviticus in its view of the Law (Gal 3.10; Rom. 10.5-8)” (p126). (cf Lincicum’s statements on the Pauline contrast between Leviticus and Deuteronomy in Romans, p154-155) The reader is forced to examine the differences (which were not fully explored in this work, and indeed, this work is not the place for such examinations) between Deuteronomy and Leviticus or Exodus. It is not merely the codified rise of monotheism (p138-140 for the Pauline response to the Shema) which we receive from Deuteronomy but so too a different genesis of the Decalogue (p127). Of course, where Deuteronomy can be seen to correct Leviticus or Exodus, it may be said that Paul corrects Deuteronomy in usurping its literal context for the new understanding in Christ (cf 129-136 for discussions on execution, vengeance and muzzling the ox. For seeing Christ as the word of Deuteronomy, cf p157)

In dealing with a subject sensitive to theological leanings, Lincicum offers up a short section on Paul’s use of the Law in Deuteronomy 27.26, another moment in which Paul, following along with other Jewish interpreters, offers his own new context. Here, Paul alters the quote to extend the original meaning to the book of the law which allows the curse of the law not to be the Law itself but against those who disobey it (p144). This is seen, according to Lincicum, through the lens of Israel’s history, something he notes Paul would have found lacking. The curse was applied to Israel because the people had forsaken the Law and goes from there to tackle the Judaizers in Galatians, ending with the author’s own axiom that ‘Scripture and gospel are mutually interpretive’ (p145). Further, and in a note, Lincicum calls attention to Paul’s allowance of contradiction in Scripture by quoting Martyn who wrote that for Paul, “The voice of God and the vice of the Law are by no means the same. It was the voice of the Law, not God that pronounced a curse upon the crucified one.” (cf147)

He closes the chapter on Paul with these words, admonishing us to understand that Paul is reading Deuteronomy backwards, through the lens of Christ. “First, and perhaps most clearly, Paul reads Deuteronomy retrospectively from the standpoint of an apostle of Christ to the nations” (p167). He moves on to suggest that the second sense is to read Deuteronomy as the community expressed in the final chapters of Deuteronomy and from there, to engage the ethical requirements of the book (p168). Without understanding these lens, and while we may even get it right that Paul was another Jewish interpreter, we would fail miserably at understanding Paul’s intention of understanding Deuteronomy though the eyes of the Apostle. Paul, as Lincicum reminds us, is set well within the Jewish chain of interpreting Deuteronomy. The author’s work is a powerful reminder of that, and one which should help to end the examination of Paul aside from Second Temple Judaism.

Chapters seven and eight deal with Josephus and later interpretations offered by the Sifre and the Targums and ending with the conclusion. Examining Josephus for a relationship to the New Testament has become a (much needed) stable for New Testament scholarship, critical and lay alike. Lincicum’s brief examination here shows that Josephus treats Deuteronomy to the same propagandist flair as he does with much of history (p176, 178). Equally, it shows that Deuteronomy was of a great value even after the cataclysm of Paul and the beginning of the Christian Church.  Less of a staple is the Sifre and Targums, but Lincicum does the exploration well enough, although after the examination of Paul, much of this chapter seems to be a simple case of needed inclusionary material. What Lincicum does reveal, however, is the Deuteronomy continued to be important and contextualized in Judaism as both religions found their separation from one another to be widening and ever more permanent. In the conclusion, Lincicum draws together his material, calling attention again to just how important Deuteronomy was throughout the interpretative traditions, include Paul. This ‘catholic text’ (p193)  indeed spans time and interpretative space, and allows for itself to be contextualized to fit the demands of the present, perhaps a testimony to the genius of rhetorical skill (Deuteronomy is primarily a spoken word, liturgical text, missing the stories of Exodus and the rest of the Torah) behind the book (cf 197-198 for the message which the book mediates).

This is an exceptional work. It combines the necessity of studying Deuteronomy, Jewish interpretation, and redressing the error of placing Paul outside the mainstream of Second Temple Judaism which has done a great disservice to the Apostle and hurt the relationship between Jews and Christians. Lincicum scholarship will be the starting point for continuous study, as well as it should be, on how Deuteronomy was used by the early Christians, which should draw together a better picture of when and where the ‘Christian Church’ started. What Lincicum does well is to maintain his trajectory, give credible evidence for his thesis, and to write in such a way that is neither boring nor mundane. His weaknesses aren’t exaggerated, but there are a few, such as the previously noted poor showing of examining the Apocrypha, but this is more than made up with his attention to detail and his steady building to the core unit. No one is surprised by Lincicum’s facts or conclusions, but overall, this must be a welcomed inclusion in further studies of Paul and his use of Scripture. While he has his weak points, notably the examination of the Apocrypha/Pseudepigrapha and the inclusion of the Sifre and the Targums, overall, the work is a solid piece of scholarly examination without biasness into the theological mind of Paul who was himself a Jew, who sought to interpret Deuteronomy and the eschatological hope which it gifted him, through the lens of Christ.

You can find Jim’s more noble, and better, review here.

April 21st, 2011 by Joel

Deuteronomy – Israel as a Vassal State to YHWH

Moses Sees the Promised Land from Afar, as in ...

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Try to remember that this is only based on Weinfeld’s study and is for my class on Deuteronomy.

Weinfeld’s study on the formulation of Deuteronomy 28 surmises that it is derived from a variety of Ancient Near Eastern treaties, such as the Hittites, Mesopotamians, and the Assyrians. For this brief response, I will state the data as presented by Weinfeld and then follow-up with a brief conclusion in answering Weinfeld’s passive question raised on page 148, in which he writes, “The analysis of this relationship (treaty and law-code) may also serve as a point of departure for understanding the crystallization of the covenant form in the theology of ancient Israel.” The importance of Deuteronomy, not just to various historical groups, has been understated and often passed over for the more exciting and meaningful (to Christians) prophets. If Weinfeld and others are correct, then Deuteronomy stands as a very important piece in understanding the uniqueness of the relationship between YHWH and Israel, and indeed, just what is actually a biblical covenant.

Weinfeld notes that Deuteronomy mimics Hittite treaties (p60) which were not unique amongst the Near Eastern treaties of the time (Weinfeld goes further to note that Deuteronomy has resemblances to treaties formulated thousands of years before it came to be). He writes that the ‘elaborate and detailed formulation of curses and blessing correspond both in structure and content’ (p62) with Mesopotamian texts and draws our attention to the fact that in Exodus and Joshua 24, these features are missing from the covenants formed there. By comparing the structure of Deuteronomy with Exodus 19-24 and Joshua 24, it is found that the last book of the Torah contains the structure of the political treaties of the Hittites and Assyrians while the other two covenant making passages do not (p66); however, the connections to the Hittites and Assyrians aren’t in total. Weinfeld notes that unlike the Assyrian vassalage treaties which only requires loyalty from the vassal, both the Hittite treaties and the Deuteronomic text includes the exchange of love/loyalty between the holder of the treaty (or grantor) and the vassal (p69), although loyalty was conditional, based on the fulfillment of the law (p81). Beyond that, however, lays the fact that ‘The religion of Israel was the only religion to demanded exclusive loyalty (p81).’

The author goes on to note that what the relationship between a king and his subjects was patterned in Deuteronomy to be reflected between YHWH and Israel. This pattern was a political treaty which was prevalent in the Ancient Near East (p83). It is in this light, then, that Deuteronomy 13 and the proscriptions which we usually, and flatly, read against false prophets should be taken. If, as Weinfeld postulates, religious treason was treated the same as political treason, then this sets the prophet in the light of a treasonous instigator  (p92), and further unites the fact that Deuteronomy is a political treaty between YHWH and Israel but cannot be made distinct from the religious covenant between the two. This leads Weinfeld to accept Frankena’s suggestion that Josiah, in ‘finding’ the book of Deuteronomy, removed Israel from vassalage to the King of Assyrian and placed it firmly under the political vassalage of YHWH (p100). This sets up the need, then, for curses and blessings, which we do not find in Exodus or Joshua 24, but is found throughout other Near Eastern treaties of the time.

Weinfeld notes that Deuteronomy, while mirroring the standard treaties of the time, including the issue of leprosy and judicial blindness which was borrowed from the Mesopotamian treaty (p146-147)  and the current materializing of the ‘prophetic word’ which was akin to the Assyrian treaty (p121; 130), underwent several cycles of covenantal structuring. Of these structures which are found within the overall treaty form of Deuteronomy is the introduction of the law-code.  This is, as the author notes, an abnormal difference as treaties were concerned only about loyalty (external) while law-codes generally dealt with the way citizens act (internal) (p48). Further, law-codes were seen as a sign of reform, which is not unusual during this time. It generally included the liberation of a people, generally slaves, and required the proclaiming of the law (p149). Already, our internal mnemonic devices are triggering the different times throughout Deuteronomy wherein we find that the law proclaimed as a symbol of reformation. Further, in Deuteronomy, Weinfeld finds traces of a polemic against the Hammurabi code. It wasn’t enough that a law existed, but it to bring about righteousness and good works (p150-151), which is what the Deuteronomic code does. Weinfeld has made his case that the whole of Deuteronomy is a treaty, with various intrastructering to reflect other forms of written restrictions and that chapter 28, as the zenith of the political structure, which contains the curses and blessings for keeping the treaty with YHWH.

I now return to the suggestion of Weinfeld on 148. I have briefly analyzed the treaty structure of Deuteronomy and mentioned that it contains as well a law-code which is abnormal to treaties of the time, and not found in Joshua 24. A law-code was meant to be internal while the treaty of vassalage was meant to be external (p156). As Weinfeld notes, Moses is seen as bringing about the legal reform needed to bring Israel through the transition (p152) which the Exodus (exile) would have caused. What brought them through the transition was in fact the reform brought by the Torah. In the Exile, what held the Israelites together was very much the tradition as expressed in Deuteronomy and allowed them to establish the community upon return which Moses had told them should be established. Further, it kept in their minds their own history of being slaves (Deut 5.12-15) and the liberation brought by the perfect Lawgiver, Moses.

What may be lacking is why the two are incorporated together, especially when we see that it wasn’t historically done so in other Ancient Near Eastern treaties and law-codes nor in biblical history (Exodus 19-24 and Joshua 24). In Deuteronomy 4.8 we see that no other nation had the Law which was being delivered to Israel. In Amos 9.7, God equalizes Israel with its neighbors and notes that the exodus from Egypt was nothing spectacular or unique to the Hebrews. Throughout Amos, what makes Israel special is their system of Justice, the same system which Deuteronomy now proposes to call attention to, as to what makes Israel special enough to be given in vassalage to the Most High God, YHWH. Thus, the Law Code prepares for the vassalage, which as Weinfeld notes, is different in that it is not a treaty between Israel and Assyria any longer, but between Israel and YHWH. It is, for the first time, a divine betrothal which unites the political vassalage with the law-code of holiness, allowing not a foreign king to visit the land, but a Divine King to intermingle with Israel.  Although, I admit that this is based in part on my biases in seeing Deuteronomy as a covenant from the ground up, offered from Israel to God, as I have continuously expressed.

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April 19th, 2011 by Joel

Moses as Prophet in Deuteronomy

Cover of "The Prophets (Perennial Classic...

Cover of The Prophets (Perennial Classics)

A quick assessment of Moses in Deuteronomy:

Throughout the Book of Deuteronomy, Moses is the single mouthpiece for God, admonishing, correcting, and forecasting Israel’s future. If we look at the book over all, we start with Moses, giving the Children of Israel confirmation of their birthright, blessings, government and the Law. He also gives them the heno/monotheistic creed of the Jewish peoples. In this, Moses assumes the role of the coming King’s resource, the Judge’s Law Book, God’s mouthpiece, and the beginning of the Commandment of God. Unlike the rest of the Torah, which we have to wait a considerable amount of time before coming to Moses’ place in history, this book begins immediately with Moses and his standing to speak over the Children of Israel. As a matter of fact, unlike the rest of the Torah, only Deuteronomy is given the purpose of relating Moses’ words.

Moses serves as well as the diviner of Justice (8.11-17) wherein Moses, like the Prophets, rebukes Israel’s hardened heart, a heart due to wealth and forgetting God. Further, he interprets God’s will for the children of Israel and acts and intercessor between God and Israel (9.11-29). During his discourse on the Law, he is in effect, calling Israel back to God, to remember the Law which God had given them to set them apart from the other nations. Further, he promotes the destruction of the pagan shrines (12), as prophets were apt to do. In chapter 13, we should be able to draw from the Text, which is about the anti-prophets, the ideal of Moses.

In 13.1-5, we find the possibility that signs and wonders may be in fact be proven true. Other prophets may arise wherein they give a good oracle or cause a rod to turn into a snake, but even if all of their powers are true, and all their oracles come true, if they still attempt to lead the Children of Israel after another God, they are to be killed. In 13.18, Moses places himself (or the author places Moses in the place) of YHWH’s prophet. Only the words spoke of by Moses where to be followed, regardless if the signs and wonders of Moses could no longer be performed. Here I note that both passages relate that the words of YHWH are what is the standard of measurement for any future prophet, and those words came from Moses. This plays, of course, a part in understanding of Deuteronomy 18 where we see Moses speaking of a future Prophet (Jeremiah?) which will come and speak the words of Moses. This prophet is to be ‘like Moses’ and I assume, call the people back to God and perhaps given them a new Law (cf Jeremiah 31).

At the close of the book, we find the authors relating a simple, history fact: that at no time since had a prophet ‘like Moses’ arisen in all of Israel. While this may be a post-script of post-exilic times, the scope of this statement stood, and still stands in the minds of many, as an ongoing condemnation of all other false prophets, and places all other writings as subject to the writings of Moses. Moses was not merely the generational leader needed to bring Israel through the Wilderness, but a leader which, across generations, was used to tie the Jews back to YHWH. No matter how poetic the Isaiah’s are, or how right their oracles are; no matter the justice of Amos; no matter the prophecies of Daniel – Moses towers above them all, making it difficult to continue the tradition of prophets even into modern times. No doubt, then, that the time of silence is so deafening. The words of the Deuteronomic Moses forces all others who seek to speak in the name of God to measure up, something none could do. (Christians, of course, disagree).

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March 30th, 2011 by Joel

Does the Deuteronomic Sabbath Shatter the YEC argument?

Not so much. Actually, YHWH did

What doesn’t… but I digress too quickly.

The most sacred of the Mosaic Laws are the Ten Commandments. I don’t think I’d find too many who disagree. Philo used them for categories. Paul used them as well. I mean, these are the big ones, right?

The Young Earth Creationist takes to them to prove the point of  a ‘literal six days’, relying only upon Exodus20.11:

For in six days the LORD made the heavens, the earth, the sea, and everything in them; but on the seventh day he rested. That is why the LORD blessed the Sabbath day and set it apart as holy. (Exo 20:11 NLT)

Of course, that actually could hold a variety of ritual meanings, as most of the Law does. For a better view on this, reading John Walton‘s book on Genesis One.

In Deuteronomy, what is remarkable is the lack of, or the downplaying of, the supernatural. There is no Creation to speak of, and hardly what we would consider miracles (although miracles really aren’t biblical). As a matter of fact, Deuteronomy’s author(s) takes a different approach to the meaning of the Sabbath:

“Observe the Sabbath day by keeping it holy, as the LORD your God has commanded you. You have six days each week for your ordinary work, but the seventh day is a Sabbath day of rest dedicated to the LORD your God. On that day no one in your household may do any work. This includes you, your sons and daughters, your male and female servants, your oxen and donkeys and other livestock, and any foreigners living among you. All your male and female servants must rest as you do. Remember that you were once slaves in Egypt, but the LORD your God brought you out with his strong hand and powerful arm. That is why the LORD your God has commanded you to rest on the Sabbath day. (Deu 5:12-15 NLT)

Here’s the dill, pickle. Either it is a contradiction, or you have to use higher criticism and admit that Deuteronomy is earlier than the Babylonian Exile, before much of the Torah and the infusion of Babylonian polemics (this doesn’t undermine the inspiration of Scripture, otherwise, you couldn’t preach on Sunday mornings, but you do, using the same techniques). Regardless, the Deuteronomic Author(s) did not recognize the ‘literal six day Creation’ as the memorial behind the Sabbath. For our author, it was a memorial to the economic peril of Egyptian slavery. It was the first token of appreciation to the working class, you might say.

So remember, folks, read your bible. All of it.

March 15th, 2011 by Joel

The Only True Duty of a Deuteronomist King

c. 840

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Imagine if every chief executive or monarch kept to this rule today?

“When he sits on the throne as king, he must copy for himself this body of instruction on a scroll in the presence of the Levitical priests. He must always keep that copy with him and read it daily as long as he lives. That way he will learn to fear the LORD his God by obeying all the terms of these instructions and decrees. This regular reading will prevent him from becoming proud and acting as if he is above his fellow citizens. It will also prevent him from turning away from these commands in the smallest way. And it will ensure that he and his descendants will reign for many generations in Israel. (Deu 17:18-20 NLT)

First, he must yield to the Law and always to the Law. The Levitical Priests had power, although no land. They were to decide all cases, and presumably, even against the King himself:

“Then the priests, the sons of Levi, shall come near, for the LORD your God has chosen them to serve Him and to bless in the name of the LORD; and every dispute and every assault shall be settled by them. (Deu 21:5 NAU)

The King had to copy the book of Deuteronomy by hand, before the Priests and forever hold that book to his chest. Not only that, but he has to read it, learn it, and memorize it.

Imagine, then, what that would look like today…

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March 14th, 2011 by Joel

Thoughts on McBride and the πολιτεία of Deuteronomy

Moses Sees the Promised Land from Afar, as in ...

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S. Dean Mcbride, Jr. makes a powerful case of the use of Deuteronomy as a constitution of sorts for the Israelite community, at least in the view of Josephus (p77) which instead of the usual and expected νόμος, the ancient propagandist used πολιτεία. It has often been seen as such, especially by those convinced that Deuteronomy was written for a more utopian future or that it was written long after Josiah’s reforms. What is noticeable is that McBride doesn’t rely upon proving Deuteronomy as a mimic of period treaties and the such, but while noting that they resemble them, Deuteronomy stands apart as a book radically different in form and purpose of local Mesopotamian literary traditions (p70). Here, we begin to see perhaps the causa scribendi in that the book was meant to preserve the kingdom, if in nothing else, the minds of the soon to be exiled Israelites. It also provided a sound source to judge their captors by, as I note McBride’s call to social justice (p77), so that while they may dress Babylonian and act Babylonian, they would know what a true and pious king should be and indeed, never forget Jerusalem as the center of their many faceted lives (social, political and religious – cf Psalm 137). McBride makes the case that Deuteronomy serves as this ancient landmark, forever written down for all Israelites to read and to abide by and in.

McBride should have made use of Weinfeld’s theory that Deuteronomy was composed by the scribes of the court. It leaves me wondering what, if any, change in McBride’s concept of the polity from Deuteronomy might had, at least in this journal article, been if the scribal origins had been explored. A constitution only works when it is written down, something unheard of then and even mostly today. To write it down requires a literate group, but to formulate the rhetorical and liturgical prose which we find in Deuteronomy must require a well-educated and purposed curia working for the purpose of putting together such a document. I note as well that Leviticus is often seen as developed orally while McBride, and others, seems insistent that Deuteronomy is and was presented in a written form for a very specific purpose.  It would be interesting to note, then, a more recent work by Lincicum[1] which suggests that Paul was using Deuteronomy against Leviticus as well as his evidence of people contextualizing Deuteronomy throughout interpretive history. Perhaps the fact that Deuteronomy was been written and used for such a long period of time has allowed it to play such a psychological role and has even created a cult status unto itself.

Other things of note include McBride’s notation of the role of the King in Deuteronomy (17.18-20; p74), especially in opposition to that of the Judges (1.-9-17) and the Levitical priests which have, as McBride notes, more power than the king, but no ‘territorial apportionment.’ (p75). Also regarding the centralization of the cult, McBride allows (p73) for a more spiritualized form of worship in which I believe he misses the opportunity to connect it to Deuteronomy’s prophet, Jeremiah, and the choosing of the heart for worship of YHWH. McBride’s Deuteronomic constitution provides for a polity for an Israel in exile, but not a real one for a nationalistic system. Deuteronomy doesn’t provide for a ‘present reality’ but a hope for the future, and in that way, the ‘constitution’ of Deuteronomy is built into a present prophetic hope, but one which must be maintained by the faithful, even generations removed.


[1] Paul & the Early Jewish Encounter With Deuteronomy

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March 10th, 2011 by Joel

Quote of the Day and First Thoughts on Lincicum’s Work

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After long years of reciting, praying, memorizing, debating, teaching, and ordering his life in conformity with its precepts, Paul the Pharisee had an unexpected hermeneutical irruption in his understanding of Deuteronomy. (p117)

The causes of Paul’s ‘hermeneutical irruption’ is not of scholarly concern at the moment, as Paul’s change in course is beyond the realms of the scientific method; however, Lincicum notes that Paul’s change of course is do to a visionary encounter with the resurrected Jesus, ‘whom he then recognized as Lord and Christ.’ At this moment, Paul’s Judiasm didn’t cease nor his use of all of his litgurical learning, meditations and daily study of the Holy Writings. Paul, instead, was a Jew who read the Book of Deuteronomy like others Jews and became a Jew who, like other Jews, read the Book of Deuteronomy but after this moment would read it through the prism of Christ.

Lincincum aptly shows that Deuteronomy was an important text to the Jews  (and various Judaisms) at the time, being used in a variety of rituals in the daily life of the believer. Further, he notes the large amounts of manuscripts found and saved through antiquity, the use of Deuteronomy in the tefillin, and the manner in which Deuteronomy is weaved through extra- and non-canonical sources such at Tobit and Philo. Here, I think, however, is his weakest points. To show that writers used Deuteronomy is easy enough, but in several cases he is only able to show a basic structure which is similar. Not a large distraction from his work overall, but the weakest. What is interesting, however, is that Lincicum is able to how the rich and deep presence which Deuteronomy has with communities such as Qumran which regularly interpreted Deuteronomy to fit their present day needs (p81, cf Philo p116). Our author is even able to show that Philo senses that Deuteronomy is not merely a book among the whole, an intertext he calls it, but a book but itself (p115). His point then, which he makes on p56, that ‘Deuteronomy was an emphatically public book, and one which specifically  commended its own internalization  and memorization’ is important to remember as he proceeds throughout the rest of his argument. After all, if, with all the evidence that Lincicum is able to bring to bear, Deuteronomy is just that important to the various Judaisms at the time, then it is no surprise that Paul is as familiar with it as he is.

These are only first thoughts, with the review once I’m done.

February 21st, 2011 by Joel

Summation of the Dating of Deuteronomy

The question is this:

What is the scholarly basis for identifying Deuteronomy as Josiah’s lawbook? How much of Deuteronomy must this include?

My answer went rather long, but I tried to familiarize myself with various scholarly opinions on the matter. It is rather long, and I’m not sure if I got to the question of not. For those who don’t know, I am taking in my second semester at seminary, a directed (or independent) study on the Book of Deuteronomy. It will consist of a lot of reading and a lot of writing and a lot of reading and a lot of writing. Of course, all of this helps me to fill up your RSS reader. Please feel free to contribute your thoughts on the matter, or send me pdfs of articles which you think I may need…

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King Josiah by Julius Schnoor von Carolsfeld

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“The book is thus, in our pair of narratives, similar in meaning and function to the king, but more important – more powerful – than the king, because the book rules over the king.[1]

In his book, Kings and Prophets: Monarchic Power, Inspired Leadership, and Sacred Text in Biblical Narrative (Oxford, 1999), Grottannelli draws attention to the parallels between the discovery and the subsequent (divine) enthronement of two separate items, Josiah (2 Kings 11) and the Book of the Law (2nd Kings 22). Both of these items served to give Israel hope during the final days of the Monarchy, when the enemy was at the gates threatening a holocaust in that both were discovered in the Temple and both were recognized by Israel as authoritative and somehow from God. Yet, it is the text which was saved when the dynasty died shortly thereafter, and the text which survives in some form today, serving as a link to the pre-monarchic times, an ancient religion, and would later serve as much of the basis for the New Testament thought on doctrines ranging from the Messiah to the Book of the Law. That text has long been recognized as the Book of Deuteronomy, the book which held the covenanting material that would keep Israel alive through exile. In this short essay, I will note differing scholarly thoughts while drawing a short conclusion pointing to a definitive reason why the Book of the Law discovered in 2nd Kings 22 was so valuable.

George Ricker Berry, writing in 1940[2], believed that the Book of Deuteronomy could not have been the Book of Code (his words) found by Josiah’s renovation in 2nd Kings 22 and that all previous scholarship had failed press towards this reasoning. While I am attracted to the notion that Deuteronomy is a prophetic book rather than a priestly notion[3], Berry at that time does not benefit from Weinfeld’s later connection between Deuteronomy and Wisdom which seemingly better explains Deuteronomy’s more humanistic focus than it simply being connected to the later prophets. Admittedly, Berry’s post-exilic date has its high points, such as the fact that it wasn’t the Prophet Jeremiah which was called on to deal with the long lost book but a rather unknown prophetess. She was married to a Temple or court officer and picked by the High Priest, indicating to Berry that the code book found in 2nd Kings would have been priestly and may not have survived the Exile. He notes others points of his reasoning, namely that the setting of Deuteronomy in which the nation of Israel is rebuilding after the Exodus mirrors that of the rebuilding after the return of the Exile and that the allowances of priests in Deuteronomy contradicts those in 2nd Kings (Deuteronomy 18.6-7 cf 2nd Kings 23.9). His final point is that the story of the Golden Calf omits Aaron, but I believe that this falls well in line with the overall approach of Deuteronomy and fits the time period of Josiah well enough. Berry’s dating system and belief that it was rather the Holiness Code found by Josiah’s renovators has not stood the test of time and finds little, if any, support today.

Recently, however, Juha Pakkala has challenged the current method of dating Deuteronomy to 621 by returning to Berry’s reasoning, somewhat, and arriving at a date of 586 or later. For Pakkala[4], Urdeuteronomium must be dated to after the exile first because the monarch has no role in a book which expects the Monarch to be enforced. Considering that some of the traditions contained within Deuteronomy are actually older than the monarchy itself, it is not completely inconceivable that the book still predates, at least in the Urdeuteronomium, Josiah. Pakkala notes that the code book does not imply “any state infrastructure and organization’, but instead “are written as if the author were implying a stateless religious community.’ He goes on to note that there are no references to Judah seeing the references to Israel as a later ‘a religious community rather than… the inhabitants of a state’. Also noted by Pakkala is the fact that there is no reference to what would have been an existing Temple neither to any real reference to Jerusalem. This lack of centralization is exhibited in Deuteronomy 12, which he considers to be one of the oldest sections, in which the Kingdom of Judah is not mentioned, but only alluding to a place among the tribes. He casts this as a future event in which the Law would still be given (Deut 12.14) implying, for him, a community still somewhat in exile. Along the same lines of decentralization, Pakkala notes that even during Josiah’s time, the cult was not centralized and would not be so until 400 BCE, citing the Elephantine papyri. His last point is one which some commentators latch on to in order to show that Deuteronomy is for a reimagined utopia. He claims that Urdeuteronomium contains laws which were idealistic and envisioned ‘a new society should the state be reestablished.’

Nicholson[5] allows that our current Book of Deuteronomy may have arrived to us through different stages, beginning with what he calls, Urdeuteronomium. He goes on, however, to note that the ‘attempt to recover Urdeuteronomium down to verse and half verse must be abandoned[6]’.  His belief seems to be that the Deuteronomist ‘inserted short comments here and there and in other places’ which ‘actually respited slightly the text to incorporate his own thoughts.’(p34) He believes that this has led to the layering effect of the singular and the plural found in Deuteronomy and has been a subject of further scholarship. Nicholson goes on to delineate chapters 5-26, along with some of chapter 28 as part of the ‘original’ book[7]. Most of the rest was added after the Return and due to the union with Genesis-Numbers forming the whole of the Pentateuch. Bernard Levinson[8] essentially repeats Nicholson’s scholarship but notes that instead of simply being incorporated into the Pentateuch it would have rather served as the introduction to the history of the Deuteronomist, which are the historical books except Chronicles and only later incorporated into the Pentateuch. Levinson notes the well-formed book we have at present preserves layers of literary tradition. While he follows Nicholson’s demarcation of original source material, Levinson goes on to note that Deuteronomy is formed with an introduction, speeches and an appendix. Moshe Weinfeld gives the literary sections as two introductions (1.1-4.40; 4.44-11.32); a dual series of blessings and curses (27.11-13 with 28.3-6, 16-19 and the rest of 28); as well as various appendices such as, as I discuss below, the Song of Moses[9].

Weinfeld, in the same volume, goes on to note that the ‘composite nature of the book of Deuteronomy has been dealt with by many moderns scholars, but no final solution has been reached.’ He agrees with the scholarly consensus regarding the core of the book, but clearly states that even in that section, we cannot find a homogeneous author. Of particular interesting to dating Deuteronomy to Josiah’s time is Weinfeld notes on chapter 27 in which we find, according to him, a ‘very old tradition about the establishment of the nation at Shechem’, connecting it to various Greek amphictyonic oaths present at the time during Greek colonization rituals. He goes on to note that the various traditions combined in chapters 27-28 reflect both a pre-monarchic as well as Neo-Assyrian viewpoint, allowing us to consider portions of Deuteronomy older than Josiah while at the same time allowing that Scribes during Josiah’s reign may have helped to rework them into present thought.

Mark Biddle[10], in his commentary on Deuteronomy, writes that the Urdeuteronomium may in fact be the earliest biblical book mentioned in the sources, which may explain why the later additions of Genesis-Numbers is rather filled with Babylonian traits. It is interesting then to note Wellhausen’s theory assigning D to the seventh century, in line with the Josiahic reforms, but allotting J and E two hundred years of preceding Deuteronomy[11]. Christensen, in his preface to The Song of Power and the Power of Song, entitled Deuteronomy in Modern Research, cites J. Lundbom (p8) in discussing the ‘archaic’ Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32). He goes on to write that the ‘official song’ dates from a pro-monarchic Israel, as does the Song of Deborah[12] and was most likely the original portion of the text which was later embedded into the larger portion of the work. This has given support to the view, as expressed by van Goudoever, that Deuteronomy is “the most liturgical book of the Bible.” (p8, Christensen). It follows then that Deuteronomy may contain portions which predate the theorized evolution of JE and P allowing that our present book of study, or at least the Urdeuteronomium, may in fact be the first authoritative work know as Scripture and a source to pre-exilic Hebrew religion.

In Weinfeld’s essay in The Song of Power and the Power of Song, he notes ‘the structure of Deuteronomy follows a literary tradition of covenant writing.’ (p26) In a personal disappointment[13], he goes on to note that the theory first proposed in 1965 by Frankena in which Deuteronomy is seen as a covenant with YWHW by the King/People is ‘plausible.’ However, in a paper delivered at the 2010 SBL session in Atlanta[14], Joshua Berman is able to connect the treaty-like language in Deuteronomy 13 to a much older treaty system than the currently proposed Assyrian style, forcing an updating, if you will, of the current date of Deuteronmy 13 from the seventh century b.c.e. to the 14th or 13th century of the same era. If this is correct, it might support my previous stated claim that Deuteronomy may in fact be a direct link to an original Hebrew religion devoid of the mythic language collected during the Babylonian Exile. Further, if this Deuteronomy can be safely shown to date to the 14th or 13th century b.c.e., then it too may have been part of the finding at the Temple during Josiah’s renovation.

Returning to Nicholson, one of the outstanding reasons to place the Book of Deuteronomy as Josiah’s ‘code book’ (staying with Berry’s term) is the shared notion of what completes a purified Israel. In a chart made from the information compiled by Nicholson (p3 – Nicholson), which I have created, one can see the connection between the book of Deuteronomy and the attempted reforms of Josiah[15].

2nd Kings 23 Deuteronomy
Abolition of the Asherim vv 4, 6-7, 14 7.5; 12.3; 16.21
The host of heaven v4-5 27.3
Destruction of the ‘pillars’ v14 7.5; 12.3
Heathen High Places v13 7.5; 12.2f
Sun and Moon Worship vv5, 11 17.3
Sacred Prostitution v7 23.18; (EVV 17)
Molech Cult v10 12.13; 18.10
Foreign gods, etc… v13 12; 13
Necromancy v24 18.11
Centralized Passover v21-23 16.1-8

By examining Deuteronomy’s statements about a purified Israel next to Josiah’s reforms, we find that everything which Josiah accomplished, we can find in the core of the book, or the Urdeuteronomium.

While Berry may argue that the book of Deuteronomy may be a later, post-exilic, edition the fact remains that at the very least, the book of code found by Josiah mimics both the style and the commands employed by him in attempting to, as Weinfeld noted, become a vassal to YHWH. Further, while the core of the book, isn’t homogeneous, the sum total of the book includes various traditions which predate even the monarchy and others which would have been relevant to Josiah’s court and attempted (even if rhetorical) reforms, but only a few which have seemingly been added by a later Deuteronomist redactor. Nicholson’s Urdeuteronomium must then be Josiah’s code book even if it didn’t exist in our present form.  The reason which the Book of the Law discovered by the renovators of the Temple triumphed over the King is because it reunited the Kingdom to pre-monarchial days, solidified tradition and offered hope. The Book of Deuteronomy contained some of the oldest written traditions of the Israelite people and their relationship with God, and promised to once again unite them with YHWH and the Land.


[1] Grottannelli (1999:189; Sanders 2009:154)

[2] George Ricker Berry, Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol 59, No 2 (Jun., 1940) pg 133-39

[3] In stating this, Berry quotes Dahl from the symposium held on the pages of JBL in 1928.

[4] See Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Volume 121, Issue 3, Pages 388–401, ISSN (Online) 1613-0103, ISSN (Print) 0044-2526, DOI: 10.1515/ZAW.2009.026, /September/2009. Pakkala has since been answered by Nathan MacDonald, Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Volume 122, Issue 3, Pages 431–435, ISSN (Online) 1613-0103, ISSN (Print) 0044-2526, DOI: 10.1515/ZAW.2010.030, /September/2010

[5] E.W. Nicholson, Deuteronomy and Tradition, Literary and Historical problems in the Book of Deuteronomy, (1967) Philadelphia: Fortress Press

[6] n1, p34

[7] Christensen, edited by Duane L. (1993). A Song of power and the power of song. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, p5 – Christensen is quoting M. Noth (1943), The Deuteronomistic History.

[8] Coogan, Michael D., & Brettler, Marc Z., & Newsom, Carol A., & Perkins, Pheme (2010). New Oxford Annotated Bible-NRSV. Oxford Univ Pr., See Bernard Levinson’s, Introduction to Deuteronomy, p247-249

[9] Freedman, David Noel (1992). The Anchor Bible dictionary. Anchor Bible. See Weinfields article, Deuteronomy, Book of in Vol. 2

[10] Biddle, Mark E. (2003). Deuteronomy. Smyth & Helwys Publishing.

[11] Christensen, edited by Duane L. (1993). A Song of power and the power of song. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, p4

[12] This may give up to those who see the Davidic Psalms as actually being composed in some way by David.

[13] I say personal disappointment because this is one of theories that I had hoped to explore. For a long time now, I’ve seen Deuteronomy as a covenant from the ground up, so to speak, wherein a people facing defeat has offered a covenant to God in hopes that they will be spared the ultimate curse. It seems that at least in some ways, this theory has already been explored and noted by one of the world’s eminent Deuteronomic scholars.

[14] Reported here and his paper can be found here.

[15] Recently, Daniel O. McClellan has argued that the reforms were more rhetorical than actual, adding to the scholarship that Josiah’s expansion may not have in fact been all that far into the Northern Kingdom. His paper can be found here.

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