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Archive for the ‘Acts’ Category

October 6th, 2011 by Joel

Question: What is the ‘host of heaven’ in Acts 7.42

Ministry of the Apostles, a complex multi-figu...

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Got a question:

NAB  Acts 7:42 Then God turned and handed them over to worship the host of heaven, as it is written in the book of the prophets: ‘Did you bring me sacrifices and offerings for forty years in the desert, O house of Israel?

NAU  Acts 7:42 “But God aturned away and delivered them up to serve the host of heaven; as it is written in the book of the prophets, ‘bIT WAS NOT TO ME THAT YOU OFFERED VICTIMS AND SACRIFICES cFORTY YEARS IN THE WILDERNESS, WAS IT, O HOUSE OF ISRAEL?

NLT  Acts 7:42 Then God turned away from them and abandoned them to serve the stars of heaven as their gods! In the book of the prophets it is written, ‘Was it to me you were bringing sacrifices and offerings during those forty years in the wilderness, Israel?

So right off, the NLT looks to be a better thought, but it doesn’t answer the question. So was Stephen still a henotheist? Granted, he is quoting Amos 5.25-27 which seems to say that Israel carried pagan shrines alongside the Tabernacle. This, of course, fits will with henotheism, I guess.

But, are these the ‘powers’? And if so, does Scripture give us license to connect the ‘host of heaven’ which here and in Amos seems to be other gods, to the host of the Lord of Host?

Just a discussion post – I’m not tied to an interpretation at the moment.

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October 3rd, 2011 by Joel

Quintilian v Stephen

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This is an assignment, etc…. Again, this is just the first stage, with lots of dialogue to follow.

___

The summary of VI.2 is simply that the orator must know the proper uses of emotion in appealing to a judge. The Roman Rhetorician begins the book by starting at the end of the Argument, the peroration, and advises the reader that this part in particular is “chiefly concerned with the feelings.[1]” Like Aristotle before him, and against Plato before them both, the nature of human emotions is allowed to play a part in the decision making process of the audience; perhaps to the extent that it is one of the greatest assets to the speaker. To this end, Quintilian cautions against treating these emotions “cursorily” and urges the position that nothing greater is to be studied in the “whole art of oratory.”

He goes on to cite the “number of pleaders” who could establish proofs, but is more warm to those who can “seize the attention of the judges.” He writes, “Proofs in our favor, it is true, may make the judge think our cause the better, but impressions on his feelings make him wish it to be better, and that he wishes he also believes.” In this, we find that Quintilian is speaking more regarding, as Lopez pointed out, of the forensic style of rhetoric, and as such, is concerned with using emotional appeals to declare someone innocent. The emotional appeal is to be powerful enough to incite the judge, regardless of proofs, to connect to the person on trial, perhaps to see himself on trial. Of course, there is danger in this, I would state, in that as Quintilian notes, “passion overpowers the sense of sight, so a judge, when led away by his feelings, loses the faculty of discerning truth; he is hurried along as it were by a flood and yields to the force of the torrent.” To this end, the Roman Orator notes that pathos in the conclusion will excite judges, but the use of ethos[2] will soothe them. If may be advisable then, not to incite the judges to anger at yourself in the concluding statement, if one hopes to survive the trial.

Like Aristotle before him, Quintilian relies upon the character of the speaker (2.18) to be a force in making the argument. In the court room, the speaker must possess the “virtues which he ought to praise” in his client. To contrast this, a “bad man” must speak ineffectively or else his sincerity will be challenged. Thus is the connection made in the minds of the jurists between the speaker and the client, and perhaps reliant upon ethos. If the speaker is thought to defend only for fame or wealth, it may be argued that the defense of the client could be seen as mocking the needed ethos of the jurist, in that if the speaker cared nothing for the client, then why should the judge. I note here Quintilian’s further limitations on the speaker, in that the speaker should be “calm and mild”, lacking “vehemence” and “elevation.” A good speaker by these standards would be one not just emotionally connected to his client, but a bridge between the client and the judges. As an arbiter, the speech must not raise the client above the judge nor seek to anger the judge in such a way as that is the last emotion felt before making a decision.

The argument using pathos is one which seems to be the most difficult, because it is the one most in danger of going wrong. Pathos is focused on the negative, in that Quintilian states that it is to be used in “exciting anger, hatred, fear, envy or pity.” Any of these emotions can easily turn on the client and cause a hard view from the jurist. Quintilian gives the example of fear, in that fear can lead to several outcomes. In this, he goes into the use of words to give a more effective blow to the person. (2.23). This idea of “language adding force to things unbecoming, cruel, or detestable” could not have been profitable for a novice in the courtroom, especially if there was not an established connection of ethos. The ancient writer cautions that our language be so tempered as to use the same emotions “we would wish to excite from the judge.”

Finally, 2.29-36 deals with the phantasiai, or visions, which Quintilian defines as “images by which the representations of absent objects are so distinctly represent to the mind that we seem to see them with our eyes and to have them before us.” He goes on to give credit to the orator who can represent things so vividly that one can actually ‘see’ them. This is important for the judge, then, in order to establish both pathos and ethos so that the jurist can feel the evils “of which we complain.”

In examining Stephen’s speech (Acts 7), I must extend it to Acts 6.8-16 so that the events which sets up the drama are in view. In 6.8-15, Stephen is arrested due the “wisdom and the Spirit with which he was speaking.” The charged leveled against Stephen was that he was blaspheming Moses and God (6.11) and was made complete with false witnesses (6.13). The author alludes to the almost favorable position of the Council when he writes that to them, Stephen’s face was like an angel[3] (6.15). Unfortunately, however, Luke records that Stephen was ultimately, in a fit of rage, put to death. If compared to Quintilian’s rules, Stephen failed in his defense, but if Stephen is seen as speaking for Christ, with Christ as the client, then Stephen was successful. In the narrative of Acts, speeches are regularly given in defense of Christ[4], so that here, Stephen, especially with the phantasiai in the peroration, can be seen to defend Christ and to establish a co-vindication[5].

In defense of himself, Stephen is successful in inciting anger and in having that anger influence the judges (7.51-43), but in doing so, he failed to properly place this in the argument, as the use of pathos caused Stephen’s immediate order of execution. Of course, no ethos could readily be established because Stephen was a Hellenized Jew, whereas the Council members were Palestinian Jews listening to other Palestinian Jews. Further, he failed in not using vehemence (Quint, VI.2.19; Acts 7.51-53) or elevation (Acts 7.60). He failed as well in using the “middling sort of eloquence” and in using the “temper of mind” which he sought to excite from the judges.

However, if the defense was of Christ, then Stephen is better seen as the Orator and Christ the client who needs vindicated. While the arrest charge was originally about Stephen’s supposed blasphemy (6.11), the final charge is laid against Stephen’s preaching of Jesus’ words (6.14) which leads to the High Priest asking for the validity of the words of Christ (7.1). In this context, Stephen’s speech is then seen as the usual defense of Christ given with the usual Jewish recapitulation of Hebrew history. Jesus is set against the history of Israel and against the promise of a Prophet Like Moses. The idea of human resistance against God’s Divine Messenger is prevalent, but Stephen does not claim this role for himself but is securing the verdict for Christ. To that end, Stephen elevates himself above the need for the Council, in declaring that Christ is vindicated because he, Stephen, can see him, Jesus, standing at the right hand of the God using a technique similar to Quintilian’s phantasiai. Further, Stephen establishes the ethos between him and Christ with his final words (cf Acts 7.59/ Luke 23.46; Acts 7.60/ Luke 23.34). Finally, Stephen doesn’t vindicate himself with the Council, but Luke is able to show the reader what is going above the human will. Stephen, in speaking for his client, shows that the client is indeed γενόμενον (Luke 23.47) and is thus vindicated by the audience.

The vindication of Christ (i.e., that he is resurrected[6]) is the emotional appeal, in that the Council, and through them, many in Israel, had failed to heed the Scriptures and crucified the Son of God who had been prophesied by Moses and was the culmination of Israelite History.



[1] The translation which I will be using is John Selby Watson’s, Quintilian. Institutes of Oratory, 2010 (Kindle Edition), ed. Lee Honeycutt

[2] Quintilian notes later, 2.14, that the “ethos ought especially to prevail between persons closely connected.” Perhaps if there is no ethos, or if the ethos is muted by the prosecution being closer in connection to the judges, then pathos is the only appeal left.

[3] Regardless of interpretation, the fact that to the Council, Stephen’s face was supernatural, should give the sense to the reader that the Council was in a good predisposition to hear Stephen’s case.

[4] 2.14-40 defended Christ as the Son of David/Messiah and cast blame upon those who had killed him. 3.11-26 can be seen to defend Christ as the Prophet Like Moses. 4.8-1, 19-20; 5.29-32 defends the superiority of Christ’s command to that of the Council as well as the outpouring of the Spirit.

[5] There is not enough space to connect Luke’s use of Wisdom (of Solomon) (See Peter Doble’s monograph, The Paradox of Salvation, 2005, SNTS), but I would contend that vindication is in Luke’s mind here. (Compare Wis 3.1-3, 7; 5.1-5)

[6] Cf 2nd Macc 7.10-14

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April 16th, 2011 by Joel

Something I hadn’t read before – Acts 15.5 and the Pharisees

St Peter at the Beautiful Gate

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Last week or so, we were studying the book of Acts. While reading about the first Church Council, I was struck by something that had never stood out to before:

NAU  Acts 15:5 But some of the sect of the Pharisees who had believed stood up, saying, “It is necessary to circumcise them and to direct them to observe the Law of Moses.”

NLT  Acts 15:5 But then some of the believers who belonged to the sect of the Pharisees stood up and insisted, “The Gentile converts must be circumcised and required to follow the law of Moses.”

You see that? Pharisees were a part of the early Believing community. Later, you see Paul state that he was once a Pharisee, before he converted to Christianity from Judaism -

NAU  Acts 23:6 But perceiving that one group were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, Paul began crying out in the Council, “Brethren, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees; I am on trial for the hope and resurrection of the dead!”

NLT  Acts 23:6 Paul realized that some members of the high council were Sadducees and some were Pharisees, so he shouted, “Brothers, I am a Pharisee, as were my ancestors! And I am on trial because my hope is in the resurrection of the dead!”

Oh, wait – that’s right. Paul didn’t convert. Nor was his membership as a Pharisee stopped. He said, ‘I am a Pharisee.’He was a Pharisee, however, that believed in Jesus Christ.

I bring this up because Rodney has a post up about the use of ‘Pharisee‘ which has created some discussion. If you are waiting on your usual Saturday round of posts were Rodney and I go after each other, well, maybe next Saturday.

Oh, and yes, Jesus was close to the Pharisaic community.

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April 6th, 2011 by Joel

Brief thoughts on Acts 2.1-4 and the Tongues of Fire

The Difficult Question this week was regarding Acts 2.1-4. This is my very brief answer.

As a former tongue talker, my viewpoint on this has changed some out. I think that the fire is symbolic of God’s Spirit and may allude to Isaiah 6 where the burning coal touched the prophet’s mouth and he was cleansed. Also, I think that there is an allusion to Isaiah 28.1-15 as well, especially with the echoes of wine and ‘different tongue.’ So to sum  – and this has to be my shortest post ever – the fire and the tongues were an allusion to the judgment against Jerusalem, especially given the language of Peter later in the chapter, for their crucifixion of Christ and announcement that the Day of the Lord had begun.

Pentecost was the start of the ingathering, the Last Days, etc… Anyway, what do you think?

April 5th, 2011 by Joel

Thoughts on the Church’s Mission in Acts

The question was to pick a section from Acts and write how it tells about the mission of the Church. Here’s my answer:

My first thought is of Acts 1.15-26, but this doesn’t really hold much conflict for the future of the Church. So briefly, I’ll just say that I find this section important in that the leadership of the burgeoning Jewish believers in the Messiah was required to have witnessed the Resurrection. While many of us today focus on the death, the Resurrection is central at this moment. Further, the proclamation of the Resurrection is central to the mission of these Jewish believers.

I also would like to have mentioned Acts 8 where Saul of Tarsus is said to go after both men and women in this group, something counter to the culture of the day when only the men were targeted because only men were leaders. Here, though, we get a glimpse that in the early Church, women were a threat enough to be considered dangerous to the non-Messianic Jews behind Saul’s power.

However, the main passage which I will discuss is a combination of three: 8.26-40, 13.46-52 and chapters 10 and 15. Herein is the preaching to the Gentiles proclaimed! We see first that the Ethiopian eunuch, contrary to Deuteronomy 23, is now welcomed into the most holy of holies. No more are the physical limitations or requirements required for the worship of God. Admittedly, the Ethiopian was a God-fearer, but due to some sensitive acknowledgments, couldn’t partake of Abrahamic covenant. Yet, Philip doesn’t require this and instead only asked about his belief in Christ. Cornelius is not subjected either to physical requirements of the Abrahamic Covenant. He was a God-fearer and one who was in every way, but at least one, a follower of the Mosaic Law. He contributed alms and performed works for God. God took notice of the piety here and sent Peter to his house. We know the rest of the story. Following these stories is the call of the Apostle Paul to preach to the Gentiles in 13.46-52. Here, I believe, is the pivot on which Acts turns, and indeed the history of the Church. We have to be careful, however, not to assume too much in regards to the ‘Jews’ of verse 45. However, I note that during this time, there were other things which were written which show that some Jewish sects believed that the Messianic Age would bring about the mass conversion of the Gentiles (I think we see some of this train of thought in Revelation). With Paul’s claim here, the Jewish leaders may have suspected that he was claiming validation for Jesus as Messiah by going now to the Gentiles. But, to top all of this off is the story of the first Ecumenical Council in Jerusalem.

This council had been called to determine if circumcision was to be the requirement. Already Philip and Peter had refused to consider. Historically, we know that this is what kept many of the God-fearers out of Judaism, but now the Messiah Believers were not requiring this to be a Jew any longer because of Jesus. Nor was the strict adherence to the Mosaic Law. After the discussion, the first encyclical was issued and which settled the matter at least for the Jerusalem assembly. We see this in Galatians and other epistles by Paul. The conflicts which arose when the Gentiles came in were not as simple as many see it. Gentiles were already proselytes. Many more were God-fearers. (They just couldn’t make the final cut into Judaism). But now, because Jesus was being heralded as the Messiah, they could partake of the Covenant with Israel and indeed, this had to frighten various sects of the Jews, some of which had rested on prophecies that the Messianic Age would bring about the conversion of the Gentiles.

I think that overall, Luke was validating the mission to the Gentiles and the ‘laxity’ in which they celebrated the Mosaic Law. I further think that it is Peter’s speech in Acts 15.7-11 which is key here. That the Gentiles believers were the same as the Jews and were now saved the same way. Further, Peter mentions that the Jews were saved by the Grace of the Lord Jesus Christ as now were the Gentiles. James goes on then to issue the epistle which alleviates the Gentile’s requirement to obey the Law of Moses. If everything is the same – the Spirit, the Grace, and the position in the Covenant – then surely Luke is leaving open the theological assumption that the duty to the Law of Moses must also be the same between Jew and Gentile.

August 3rd, 2010 by Joel

Acts 9.2 as an indicator that women were leaders in the early Church

Thanks to TC for the link to Wright’s sermon from which I draw this post.

and asked for letters from him to the synagogues at Damascus, so that if he found any belonging to the Way, both men and women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem. -  Acts 9:2 NASB

He requested letters addressed to the synagogues in Damascus, asking for their cooperation in the arrest of any followers of the Way he found there. He wanted to bring them– both men and women– back to Jerusalem in chains. – Acts 9:2 NLT

The historical situation is that in that culture of the time, women were generally left unmolested in such cases. Wright cites the example that the women in the Gospels were seen at the crucifixion, although they were known to be followers of Christ, while the men feared punitive action. Yet, here Paul is given express permission to tackle the growing Way with brute force, imprisoning both men and women. Why? Wright speculates, citing Kenneth E. Baily, that it was because women in the early leadership positions along side men.

I’ve found it difficult to quickly substantiate Dr. Bailey’s assertions that women weren’t targeted by the opposing side, well, not for death anyway; however, while reading of some Josephus’ account in his Wars (3.300-) I noticed that many times, women and children were simply enslaved or left alone. If this is the case, then targeting women along side of men, especially by Saul of Tarsus wouldn’t be the culture norm.

Except for the Sicarri. They were a terrorist group which quickly shed Jewish blood, even Jonathan the high priest, for impiety or not resisting Roman rule, according to Josephus. They operated in the years before the destruction of the Temple, trying to expunge the Romans from Israel. They had no qualms about killing women and children, of which numbered 700 or so dead when the Sicarri invaded En Geddi. It is interesting, that before Josephus, the word can only be found in connection with the Apostle Paul,

“Then you are not the Egyptian who some time ago stirred up a revolt and led the four thousand men of the Assassins out into the wilderness?” Acts 21:38

“Aren’t you the Egyptian who led a rebellion some time ago and took 4,000 members of the Assassins out into the desert?” Acts 21:38

For others who may interested in Sicarri in Josephus, you may wish to purchase this book.

But, if then-Saul of Tarsus was actually targeting women along side of men, then it is possible, given the culture surroundings, that he considering the women as leaders. The cement to this argument comes from the fact that Luke expressly mentioned ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας in Acts 9 as well as in Acts 22, as Paul recounts the story.

March 15th, 2010 by Joel

Acts 2.38 and Acts 3.19 – Baptismal Parallels

Recently, I was discussing the issue of baptism with a friend, specifically, paedobaptism, but it turned to baptismal regeneration.

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November 20th, 2009 by Joel

Examining Peter’s Speech in Acts 2

The speech given by the Apostle Peter in Acts 2 is the first speech given by disciples of the ascended Christ – the first of the new community of believers. It is important, historically, to have this speech which officially delivers the rules of the community to take place on Pentecost. Just as the Gospels establish that Christ is the Passover, this speech served to establish that this was the Church’s Pentecost. It mimicked the scene played out in Exodus 19, and indeed, the later writer of Hebrews notes the comparison as well (Hebrews 12.18-24). Not withstanding the historical significance of placing this speech at the beginning of Christian history we find an attempt at redefining the Hebrew writings in light of the new community and connecting certain aspects of the Jewish Scriptures to salvation and thus the new community.

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October 16th, 2009 by Joel

Goulder’s Presuppositions on Acts

I am currently reading through Anthony Le Donne’s book, The Historiographical Jesus, and came across his entry into presuppositions, which he quotes Goulder on Acts. Michael Goulder laid down two presuppositions for the study of Act in his 1964 work, Type and History in Acts:

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May 4th, 2009 by Joel

Acts 8 – Scriptures over Miracles

Humanity, as a whole, seeks things larger then themselves.

Those professing the name of Christ seek evidence of God supernaturally manifested before them, claiming to know God only by the miracles that He performs.

Yes, for all of those that Christ miraculously fed, only 120 made it to the upper room on the day of Pentecost. How many souls were gained by miracles?

In the first historical document of the Church, we read in chapter 8 concerning two men: one a sorcerer and one a eunuch.

In the city of Samaria, the Gospel of Jesus Christ had come, preached by Philip (8.5; 12). Along with this Name, as was apt in the early Church, things happened:

And the multitudes with one accord heeded the things spoken by Philip, hearing and seeing the miracles which he did. For unclean spirits, crying with a loud voice, came out of many who were possessed; and many who were paralyzed and lame were healed. (Acts 8:6-7 NKJV)

There was a man, by the name of Simon, who practicing magic, and bewitched the city as to his might, but when he saw real power, he craved it. As the city fell to the Gospel, Simon too believed (but in what?):

Then Simon himself also believed; and when he was baptized he continued with Philip, and was amazed, seeing the miracles and signs which were done. (Acts 8:13 NKJV)

Upon baptism – not having received the holy Spirit as of yet, Simon continued with Philip, but saw only the miracles. I have to wonder what heed was given to the Scriptures. Simon saw the power, the ‘great power’ of God, the miracles and the signs that accompanied the Preacher, but did he ever hear the Word of God being preached to the city?

When news returned to Jerusalem, the Apostolic Council (of if you like, Bishop Board) sent Peter and John – those that had ran to the tomb of the Saviour – to bring the holy Spirit. (Only baptism in the name of Jesus Christ had taken place, but the Spirit was yet to fall.

The Apostles came, the Spirit fell, and Simon retreated to his flesh – he desired the authority to give the holy Spirit as he perceived the Apostles to have done. Instantly, Peter rebuked him, saying:

“Your money perish with you, because you thought that the gift of God could be purchased with money! You have neither part nor portion in this matter, for your heart is not right in the sight of God. Repent therefore of this your wickedness, and pray God if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you. For I see that you are poisoned by bitterness and bound by iniquity.” (Acts 8:20-23 NKJV)

Let us not dwell, only note, that Simon’s serious of sin came on this side of the flood waters of baptism. Who is to say that if Simon had first asked Philip for this, the response to a sinner would have been easier? Peter knew that the man’s heart was not right – but he didn’t know if the sin could be forgiven him. (Compare this with John 20.23) Simon who believed, focused only on the miracles and power that he saw, but did not head the word of the Gospel.

Philip, after Samaria, is found by divine command, walking south to Gaza. There, he saw a great caravan of the chief of the Queen of Ethiopia’s house who had been to Jerusalem, no doubt for the Passover. It was during this season which people would bring their copy of Scriptures to the Temple to correct any errors that had crept in due to copying. This tells us that this Eunuch was at least someone who believed in the Jewish Scriptures – although by Mosaic Law he could not participate.

Philip was commanded not to just join up with the caravan, but to overtake it. As he was running, he noticed the Eunuch reading, and after a little conversation, was invited up into the chariot to help explain the Scriptures. Reading from the Servant Song in Isaiah, Philip was able to preach the Gospel. The man, realizing that he was in sin, but that he could now leave that reproach in the southern Palestinian desert, and asked for baptism.

He believed not by power or might, but by the word of God. Paul would say in Romans 10.17 that Faith comes from what is heard when what is heard, is the Word of God. Miracles entertain, but for the Faithful, the Scriptures are the bread of life by which we know God, and move towards God.